Macaca
10-27 10:14 AM
America has a persuadable center, but neither party appeals to it (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/10/25/AR2007102502774.html) By Jonathan Yardley (yardleyj@washpost.com) | Washington Post, October 28, 2007
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, Penguin. 484 pp. $27.95
These are difficult times for American politics at just about all levels, but especially in presidential politics, which has been poisoned -- the word is scarcely too strong -- by a variety of influences, none more poisonous than what Ronald Brownstein calls "an unrelenting polarization . . . that has divided Washington and the country into hostile, even irreconcilable camps." There is nothing new about this, he quickly acknowledges, and "partisan rivalry most often has been a source of energy, innovation, and inspiration," but what is particularly worrisome now "is that the political system is more polarized than the country. Rather than reducing the level of conflict, Washington increases it. That tendency, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era and the principal cause of our impasse on so many problems."
Most people who pay reasonably close attention to American politics will not find much to surprise them in The Second Civil War, but Brownstein -- who recently left the Los Angeles Times to become political correspondent for Atlantic Media and who is a familiar figure on television talk shows -- has done a thorough job of amassing all the pertinent material and analyzing it with no apparent political or ideological axe to grind. He isn't an especially graceful prose stylist, and he's given to glib, one-word portraits -- on a single page he gives us "the burly Joseph T. Robinson," "the bullet-headed Sam Rayburn," "the mystical Henry A. Wallace" and "the flinty Harold Ickes" -- but stylistic elegance is a rare quality in political journalism in the best of times, and in these worst of times it can be forgiven. What matters is that Brownstein knows what he's talking about.
He devotes the book's first 175 pages -- more, really, than are necessary -- to laying the groundwork for the present situation. Since the election of 1896, he argues, "the two parties have moved through four distinct phases": the first, from 1896 to 1938, when they pursued "highly partisan strategies," the "period in modern American life most like our own"; the second, from the late New Deal through the assassination of John F. Kennedy, "the longest sustained period of bipartisan negotiation in American history," an "ideal of cooperation across party lines"; the third, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, "a period of transition" in which "the pressures for more partisan confrontation intensified"; and the fourth, "our own period of hyperpartisanship, an era that may be said to have fully arrived when the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted on a virtually party-line vote to impeach Bill Clinton in December 1998."
As is well known, the lately departed (but scarcely forgotten) Karl Rove likes to celebrate the presidency of William McKinley, which serious historians generally dismiss out of hand but in which Rove claims to find strength and mastery. Perhaps, as Brownstein and others have suggested, this is because Rove would like to be placed alongside Mark Hanna, the immensely skilled (and immensely cynical) boss who was the power behind McKinley's throne. But the comparison is, indeed, valid in the sense that the McKinley era was the precursor of the Bush II era, which "harkened back to the intensely partisan strategies of McKinley and his successors." Bush's strategies are now widely regarded as failures, not merely among his enemies but also among his erstwhile allies on Capitol Hill, who grouse about "White House incompetence or arrogance." But Brownstein places these complaints in proper context:
"Yet many conservatives recognized in Bush a kindred soul, not only in ideology, but more importantly in temperament. Because their goals were transformative rather than incremental, conservative activists could not be entirely satisfied with the give and take, the half a loaf deal making, of politics in ordinary times. . . . In Bush they found a leader who shared that conviction and who demonstrated, over and again, that in service of his goals he was willing to sharply divide the Congress and the country."
This, as Brownstein notes, came from the man who pledged to govern as "a uniter, not a divider." Bush's service as governor of Texas had been marked by what one Democrat there called a "collaborative spirit," but "he is not the centrist as president that he was as governor." This cannot be explained solely by the influence of Rove, who appeared to be far more interested in placating the GOP's hard-right "base" than in enacting effective legislation. Other influences probably included a Democratic congressional leadership that grew ever more hostile and ideological, the frenzied climate whipped up by screamers on radio and television, and Bush's own determination not to repeat his father's second-term electoral defeat. But whatever the precise causes, the Bush Administration's "forceful, even belligerent style" assured nothing except deadlock on the Hill, even on issues as important to Bush as immigration and Social Security "reform."
Brownstein's analysis of the American mood is far different from Bush/Rove's. He believes, and I think he's right, that there is "still a persuadable center in American politics -- and that no matter how effectively a party mobilized its base, it could not prevail if those swing voters moved sharply and cohesively against it," viz., the 2006 midterm elections. He also believes, and again I think he's right, that coalition politics is the wisest and most effective way to govern: "The party that seeks to encompass and harmonize the widest range of interests and perspectives is the one most likely to thrive. The overriding lesson for both parties from the Bush attempt to profit from polarization is that there remains no way to achieve lasting political power in a nation as diverse as America without assembling a broad coalition that locks arms to produce meaningful progress against the country's problems." As Lyndon Johnson used to say to those on the other side of the fence, "Come now, let us reason together."
Yet there's not much evidence that many in either party have learned this rather obvious lesson. Several of the (remarkably uninspired) presidential candidates have made oratorical gestures toward the politics of inclusion, but from Hillary Clinton to Rudolph Giuliani they're practicing interest-group politics of exclusion as delineated in the Gospel According to Karl Rove. Things have not been helped a bit by the Democratic leadership on the Hill, which took office early this year with great promises of unity but quickly lapsed into an ineffective mixture of partisan rhetoric and internal bickering. Brownstein writes:
"Our modern system of hyperpartisanship has unnecessarily inflamed our differences and impeded progress against our most pressing challenges. . . . In Washington the political debate too often careens between dysfunctional poles: either polarization, when one party imposes its will over the bitter resistance of the other, or immobilization, when the parties fight to stalemate. . . . Our political system has virtually lost its capacity to formulate the principled compromises indispensable for progress in any diverse society. By any measure, the costs of hyperpartisanship vastly exceed the benefits."
Brownstein has plenty of suggestions for changing things, from "allowing independents to participate in primaries" to "changing the rules for drawing districts in the House of Representatives." Most of these are sensible and a few are first-rate, but they have about as much chance of being adopted as I do of being president. The current rush by the states to be fustest with the mostest in primary season suggests how difficult it would be to achieve reform in that area, and the radical gerrymandering of Texas congressional districts engineered by Tom DeLay makes plain that reform in that one won't be easy, either. Probably what would do more good than anything else would be an attractive, well-organized, articulate presidential candidate willing, in Adlai Stevenson's words, "to talk sense to the American people." Realistically, though, what we can look for is more meanness, divisiveness and cynicism. It's the order of the day, and it's not going away any time soon.
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, Penguin. 484 pp. $27.95
These are difficult times for American politics at just about all levels, but especially in presidential politics, which has been poisoned -- the word is scarcely too strong -- by a variety of influences, none more poisonous than what Ronald Brownstein calls "an unrelenting polarization . . . that has divided Washington and the country into hostile, even irreconcilable camps." There is nothing new about this, he quickly acknowledges, and "partisan rivalry most often has been a source of energy, innovation, and inspiration," but what is particularly worrisome now "is that the political system is more polarized than the country. Rather than reducing the level of conflict, Washington increases it. That tendency, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era and the principal cause of our impasse on so many problems."
Most people who pay reasonably close attention to American politics will not find much to surprise them in The Second Civil War, but Brownstein -- who recently left the Los Angeles Times to become political correspondent for Atlantic Media and who is a familiar figure on television talk shows -- has done a thorough job of amassing all the pertinent material and analyzing it with no apparent political or ideological axe to grind. He isn't an especially graceful prose stylist, and he's given to glib, one-word portraits -- on a single page he gives us "the burly Joseph T. Robinson," "the bullet-headed Sam Rayburn," "the mystical Henry A. Wallace" and "the flinty Harold Ickes" -- but stylistic elegance is a rare quality in political journalism in the best of times, and in these worst of times it can be forgiven. What matters is that Brownstein knows what he's talking about.
He devotes the book's first 175 pages -- more, really, than are necessary -- to laying the groundwork for the present situation. Since the election of 1896, he argues, "the two parties have moved through four distinct phases": the first, from 1896 to 1938, when they pursued "highly partisan strategies," the "period in modern American life most like our own"; the second, from the late New Deal through the assassination of John F. Kennedy, "the longest sustained period of bipartisan negotiation in American history," an "ideal of cooperation across party lines"; the third, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, "a period of transition" in which "the pressures for more partisan confrontation intensified"; and the fourth, "our own period of hyperpartisanship, an era that may be said to have fully arrived when the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted on a virtually party-line vote to impeach Bill Clinton in December 1998."
As is well known, the lately departed (but scarcely forgotten) Karl Rove likes to celebrate the presidency of William McKinley, which serious historians generally dismiss out of hand but in which Rove claims to find strength and mastery. Perhaps, as Brownstein and others have suggested, this is because Rove would like to be placed alongside Mark Hanna, the immensely skilled (and immensely cynical) boss who was the power behind McKinley's throne. But the comparison is, indeed, valid in the sense that the McKinley era was the precursor of the Bush II era, which "harkened back to the intensely partisan strategies of McKinley and his successors." Bush's strategies are now widely regarded as failures, not merely among his enemies but also among his erstwhile allies on Capitol Hill, who grouse about "White House incompetence or arrogance." But Brownstein places these complaints in proper context:
"Yet many conservatives recognized in Bush a kindred soul, not only in ideology, but more importantly in temperament. Because their goals were transformative rather than incremental, conservative activists could not be entirely satisfied with the give and take, the half a loaf deal making, of politics in ordinary times. . . . In Bush they found a leader who shared that conviction and who demonstrated, over and again, that in service of his goals he was willing to sharply divide the Congress and the country."
This, as Brownstein notes, came from the man who pledged to govern as "a uniter, not a divider." Bush's service as governor of Texas had been marked by what one Democrat there called a "collaborative spirit," but "he is not the centrist as president that he was as governor." This cannot be explained solely by the influence of Rove, who appeared to be far more interested in placating the GOP's hard-right "base" than in enacting effective legislation. Other influences probably included a Democratic congressional leadership that grew ever more hostile and ideological, the frenzied climate whipped up by screamers on radio and television, and Bush's own determination not to repeat his father's second-term electoral defeat. But whatever the precise causes, the Bush Administration's "forceful, even belligerent style" assured nothing except deadlock on the Hill, even on issues as important to Bush as immigration and Social Security "reform."
Brownstein's analysis of the American mood is far different from Bush/Rove's. He believes, and I think he's right, that there is "still a persuadable center in American politics -- and that no matter how effectively a party mobilized its base, it could not prevail if those swing voters moved sharply and cohesively against it," viz., the 2006 midterm elections. He also believes, and again I think he's right, that coalition politics is the wisest and most effective way to govern: "The party that seeks to encompass and harmonize the widest range of interests and perspectives is the one most likely to thrive. The overriding lesson for both parties from the Bush attempt to profit from polarization is that there remains no way to achieve lasting political power in a nation as diverse as America without assembling a broad coalition that locks arms to produce meaningful progress against the country's problems." As Lyndon Johnson used to say to those on the other side of the fence, "Come now, let us reason together."
Yet there's not much evidence that many in either party have learned this rather obvious lesson. Several of the (remarkably uninspired) presidential candidates have made oratorical gestures toward the politics of inclusion, but from Hillary Clinton to Rudolph Giuliani they're practicing interest-group politics of exclusion as delineated in the Gospel According to Karl Rove. Things have not been helped a bit by the Democratic leadership on the Hill, which took office early this year with great promises of unity but quickly lapsed into an ineffective mixture of partisan rhetoric and internal bickering. Brownstein writes:
"Our modern system of hyperpartisanship has unnecessarily inflamed our differences and impeded progress against our most pressing challenges. . . . In Washington the political debate too often careens between dysfunctional poles: either polarization, when one party imposes its will over the bitter resistance of the other, or immobilization, when the parties fight to stalemate. . . . Our political system has virtually lost its capacity to formulate the principled compromises indispensable for progress in any diverse society. By any measure, the costs of hyperpartisanship vastly exceed the benefits."
Brownstein has plenty of suggestions for changing things, from "allowing independents to participate in primaries" to "changing the rules for drawing districts in the House of Representatives." Most of these are sensible and a few are first-rate, but they have about as much chance of being adopted as I do of being president. The current rush by the states to be fustest with the mostest in primary season suggests how difficult it would be to achieve reform in that area, and the radical gerrymandering of Texas congressional districts engineered by Tom DeLay makes plain that reform in that one won't be easy, either. Probably what would do more good than anything else would be an attractive, well-organized, articulate presidential candidate willing, in Adlai Stevenson's words, "to talk sense to the American people." Realistically, though, what we can look for is more meanness, divisiveness and cynicism. It's the order of the day, and it's not going away any time soon.
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rangaswamy
02-08 01:26 AM
Can this status change be done without leaving the country? Can you please tell me what are the steps involved. I understand this may have been asked before. Can you point me to an old thread?
Thanks
Anand
Thanks
Anand
Blog Feeds
07-23 04:20 AM
OK, the hiatus of Immigrant of the Day is officially over. Send me your suggestions and I look forward to highlighting the accomplishments of immigrants contributing to America in many ways. Congrats to Mexican-born Ignacia Moya who at 106 years old has become a naturalized American. She immigrated to the US nearly 40 years ago already in her 70s. Despite her blindness and deafness, Ms. Moya has persevered in seeking citizenship and is realizing her dream after nearly a quarter century of waiting. All of Ms. Moya's children, grandchildren and great-children are in the US including her great-grandson George Bojorquez,...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/07/immigrant-of-the-day-ignacia-moya-matriarch.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/07/immigrant-of-the-day-ignacia-moya-matriarch.html)
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rajahmundry
09-08 12:11 AM
Yes, They are open on Saturday. They close on Monday.
I have been there recently.
You just need to walk with your passport.
I have been there recently.
You just need to walk with your passport.
more...
Tortoise
09-02 12:07 PM
I have applied for AP (I131) on 8/14/09 and my I-485 got approved on 9/01/09. Is USCIS is going to return my I131 fee or is there anything I have to initiate from my end to get the refund?.
Pls do let me know.
Thanks in advance.
Pls do let me know.
Thanks in advance.
brick2006
11-30 12:03 PM
hello...
I was on H1.. but i quit my job and i am currently enrolled as a Full time student.
I need to go to Mexico as part of my Study program....
I have received the change of status from USCIS..but i need to get my passport stamped..
I have not been successful in getting an appointment in Canada....
>> Can i go to mexico and get the visa stamped during my stay there..is it risky???
>> i cam here on F1-h1-now back to F1.... do i have to go to my country of origin to get my visa stamped.
inputs Pleaseeeee..
I was on H1.. but i quit my job and i am currently enrolled as a Full time student.
I need to go to Mexico as part of my Study program....
I have received the change of status from USCIS..but i need to get my passport stamped..
I have not been successful in getting an appointment in Canada....
>> Can i go to mexico and get the visa stamped during my stay there..is it risky???
>> i cam here on F1-h1-now back to F1.... do i have to go to my country of origin to get my visa stamped.
inputs Pleaseeeee..
more...
Blog Feeds
01-18 05:10 AM
The Ranking Member of the House Immigration Subcommittee would like to deport all Haitians so they can help rebuild their country. Yeah, I'm sure that's what's motivating this "compassionate" proposal. Wonkette, the often hilarious DC gossip blog, has nicknamed King The #1 A@#hole in Congress for just this sort of rhetoric. ABC News quotes King: "This sounds to me like open borders advocates exercising the Rahm Emanuel axiom: 'Never let a crisis go to waste,'" Rep. Steve King, R-Iowa, said in an e-mail message to ABCNews. "Illegal immigrants from Haiti have no reason to fear deportation, but if they are...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/01/steve-king-wants-to-deport-haitians.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/01/steve-king-wants-to-deport-haitians.html)
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admin
04-07 12:31 PM
no news yet, i m kinda breaking ........
See here - http://immigrationvoice.org/forum/showthread.php?t=521
See here - http://immigrationvoice.org/forum/showthread.php?t=521
more...
cubedflash
01-28 06:45 PM
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GCcomesoon
03-14 02:27 PM
Hi
Now that the EB2 dates have moved forward till Dec 2003, how many of us expect our approvals in the coming months ? Would the bulletin move forward in coming months or would go back or may be become unavailable again ? Any thoughts ?
I hope the same forward movement happens for all EB3 applicants too.
How does one now expedite thier case if they are current ? Just by 1-800 .... calling or Infopass ?
Thanks
GCcomesoon
Now that the EB2 dates have moved forward till Dec 2003, how many of us expect our approvals in the coming months ? Would the bulletin move forward in coming months or would go back or may be become unavailable again ? Any thoughts ?
I hope the same forward movement happens for all EB3 applicants too.
How does one now expedite thier case if they are current ? Just by 1-800 .... calling or Infopass ?
Thanks
GCcomesoon
more...
cloud 9
05-18 09:08 PM
You should pay taxes in PA.
In case your employer is running the payroll from MI, then file MI taxes as Non resident and PA as resident. You will get credit for paying non resident taxes in MI on PA's state tax form.
Don't pay resident taxes in the state where you are not staying. I got this info from a HR block tax consultant..
In case your employer is running the payroll from MI, then file MI taxes as Non resident and PA as resident. You will get credit for paying non resident taxes in MI on PA's state tax form.
Don't pay resident taxes in the state where you are not staying. I got this info from a HR block tax consultant..
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lkapildev
02-26 03:59 PM
No one from EB3 category posting their success story of geting a GC recently. What does that mean, VB PD is just foolling us and making you to go crazy.
Its like Titanic ship, everyone wants to get a boat. Unless you fight to get a boat you will not get. We are treated the way how Titanic treated to its 3rd class passengers.
Bring a chair on your back, talk to your wife,freinds, relativs, parents and child. "Whether sending a letter for good cause will harm you". Everyone will say no. Then why are you waiting.
Support IV. IV is just you. You donot help IV's dreame to die. IV is me and you.
http://immigrationvoice.org/forum/showthread.php?t=16506
Its like Titanic ship, everyone wants to get a boat. Unless you fight to get a boat you will not get. We are treated the way how Titanic treated to its 3rd class passengers.
Bring a chair on your back, talk to your wife,freinds, relativs, parents and child. "Whether sending a letter for good cause will harm you". Everyone will say no. Then why are you waiting.
Support IV. IV is just you. You donot help IV's dreame to die. IV is me and you.
http://immigrationvoice.org/forum/showthread.php?t=16506
more...
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eb2aug07
08-05 03:26 AM
I am Aug 07 filer , I was not able to submit my medicals with my I-485 application .
I got my medicals done with civil surgeon in sept 2007 and was waiting for RFE to submit the sealed cover . I never got a RFE but I got a interview at local office next month .
So can I submit the sealed cover that the civil surgeon filled in 2007 or do I need to get all the tests done again now and fill a new form .
Thanks
I got my medicals done with civil surgeon in sept 2007 and was waiting for RFE to submit the sealed cover . I never got a RFE but I got a interview at local office next month .
So can I submit the sealed cover that the civil surgeon filled in 2007 or do I need to get all the tests done again now and fill a new form .
Thanks
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jerez_z
11-03 11:43 AM
I'm looking for PHP or ActionScript work. I'm not a designer in any sense of the word, so I can't do any graphical work. I'm just starting out, so my protfolio is lacking but I have done several full blown CMSs lately. I've never gotten a problem I couldn't solve, I just need to prove myself.
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I_need_GC
06-19 12:05 PM
:confused:
My PERM was approved in 3 days filed on June 15, 07 approved on June 18. .
I was lucky to be able to apply I-140, I-485 together during the July madness.
Last Month I received an RFE on the I-140 for degrees and reference letters after sending I-140 approved in 2 weeks. Now I have received an RFE on my I-485
They have asked for work authorization for the volunteering and internship I did while on F1. My atty by mistake put these on the G325A form. The internship was a cpt recorded on the I-20 so no worries there. Volunteering was where the problem is. It was working at a physicians office (my dad's office) helping in computer stuff.
What do the Gurus recommend I do. I am worried that at this stage What can we do.
My PERM was approved in 3 days filed on June 15, 07 approved on June 18. .
I was lucky to be able to apply I-140, I-485 together during the July madness.
Last Month I received an RFE on the I-140 for degrees and reference letters after sending I-140 approved in 2 weeks. Now I have received an RFE on my I-485
They have asked for work authorization for the volunteering and internship I did while on F1. My atty by mistake put these on the G325A form. The internship was a cpt recorded on the I-20 so no worries there. Volunteering was where the problem is. It was working at a physicians office (my dad's office) helping in computer stuff.
What do the Gurus recommend I do. I am worried that at this stage What can we do.
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gps001
06-30 02:57 PM
Hi,
1. Valid H1-B stamping, expiring in 2010
2. Trying to renewe EAD/AP (Didn't use both until now).
3. Instructions of I-131 has the following statement
If you travel before the advance parole document is issued, your application will be deemed abandoned if:
A. You depart from the United States; or
B. The person seeking advance parole attempts to enter the United States before a decision is made on the application.
My question:
1. Does my applying for renewal of EAD and AP affect my travel?
Thanks.
1. Valid H1-B stamping, expiring in 2010
2. Trying to renewe EAD/AP (Didn't use both until now).
3. Instructions of I-131 has the following statement
If you travel before the advance parole document is issued, your application will be deemed abandoned if:
A. You depart from the United States; or
B. The person seeking advance parole attempts to enter the United States before a decision is made on the application.
My question:
1. Does my applying for renewal of EAD and AP affect my travel?
Thanks.
more...
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hibworker
11-24 06:26 PM
Yes he is in 'Adjustee Status' also a person can start working as soon as new employer files H1 petition on his/her behalf. So if the petition was filed on time and took 40 days to be approved your friend was in H1 status since the day the petition was received by USCIS
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virtual55
11-22 01:57 PM
Hello Gurus,
Can we change company based upon approved I140 and get a 3 H1B in the 7th year of H1
what happens if my previous employer cancels I140.
Can we change company based upon approved I140 and get a 3 H1B in the 7th year of H1
what happens if my previous employer cancels I140.
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h1bstamping123
05-14 02:41 PM
Hi,
I have my interview on March9th at Islamabad US Embassy and got a white sheet that my visa has been approved but needs further administratice processing. I have been calling PK Us Embassy and DOS every other week to check the status and got tjhe same response that it is in 'Pending'.
Just today i called in the afternoon PK US Embassy and a guy told me that my AP is in final stage and also asked me if i have my docs and PP with me or is it with us (the embassy) ?. I told him that it is with you guys and then he told me that you should be getting your docs and PP next week or early the week after. I joked with him to see if he was just making my day and he laughed and said no Sir you should be getting it next week. So at night i called DOS just to verify what is going on and DOS stated that my status is still pending.
Now i am confused as to whose telling the truth and whose telling the lie. It has been 65 days for me since the date of my interview. Anyone else experience this before ?
Any help will be highly appreciated.
I have my interview on March9th at Islamabad US Embassy and got a white sheet that my visa has been approved but needs further administratice processing. I have been calling PK Us Embassy and DOS every other week to check the status and got tjhe same response that it is in 'Pending'.
Just today i called in the afternoon PK US Embassy and a guy told me that my AP is in final stage and also asked me if i have my docs and PP with me or is it with us (the embassy) ?. I told him that it is with you guys and then he told me that you should be getting your docs and PP next week or early the week after. I joked with him to see if he was just making my day and he laughed and said no Sir you should be getting it next week. So at night i called DOS just to verify what is going on and DOS stated that my status is still pending.
Now i am confused as to whose telling the truth and whose telling the lie. It has been 65 days for me since the date of my interview. Anyone else experience this before ?
Any help will be highly appreciated.
harithakb
07-19 02:03 AM
Hi,
Because of some reason or the other it happend to be so bad that my I140 documents were sent by courier on Tuesday - 17 July 2007.
can any one of you please suggest what best I can do to file my 485 during this current window July 17 to Aug 17 2007.
I appreciate your suggestions / adive...
Thanks & Regards,
SK.
Because of some reason or the other it happend to be so bad that my I140 documents were sent by courier on Tuesday - 17 July 2007.
can any one of you please suggest what best I can do to file my 485 during this current window July 17 to Aug 17 2007.
I appreciate your suggestions / adive...
Thanks & Regards,
SK.
Blog Feeds
01-04 08:00 AM
When respected, albeit left-leaning, members of the punditocracy, like Chris Matthews and Maureen Dowd, begin to make hard right turns, it's time to pay close attention. Yesterday, in reaction to the Christmas Day suicide bomb attempt on Northwest Flight 253 as it approached Detroit, Matthews, the host of MSNBC's Hardball, came closer than ever before to embracing what sounded like race- and faith-based profiling of air travelers and the willing surrender of large chunks of our civil rights if those measures would make us safer. Today, Dowd, a New York Times Op-Ed columnist, likened President Obama to Spock (not Benjamin,...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/angelopaparelli/2009/12/using-immigration-to-stem-the-terror-threat.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/angelopaparelli/2009/12/using-immigration-to-stem-the-terror-threat.html)
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